This summer, two American country singers, Jason Aldean and Oliver Anthony, suddenly appeared out of nowhere and gave the world an unexpected hit. In both cases, their songs were used politically.
Rich Men North of Richmond Just a few weeks ago, Oliver Anthony's “This song hit #1 in the US this week, surpassing even Taylor Swift'' on YouTube.
Despite its fundamentally liberal content, sociologically speaking, the song muddies the waters between America's populist left and right. The day is celebrated by both the Trumpist wing of the Republican Party and some Democrats.
Anthony's song was featured in the first Republican presidential primary debate in 2024. “I hate to see that song weaponized,” the singer said. I see the right trying to label me as one of their own, and I see the left trying to discredit me. ”
Although Anthony has avoided partisan politics, Try it in a small town, Jason Aldean is an avowed Trump supporter. His hits are clearly on the political right, and he's even been praised by Republicans.
Oliver Anthony describes himself as “a pretty central figure in politics”. But that didn't prevent him from reciting a psalm verse that evokes God's enemies during a performance of his latest hit song. The lyrics of this song fit well with the ideology of the American liberal world.
As researchers working in the field of political sociology, we are interested in people's expressions in nationalist and populist movements.
Two “people” visions
But before we analyze the song, let's remember what left-wing and right-wing populists have in common.
For everyone, the political arena is divided into the people (considered organic, authentic, and moral) and the elites (considered isolated, strategic, inauthentic, and above all immoral). I'm watching it. Leftists tend to see the nation as: demo — The foundations of democracy — The right sees them as the foundations of democracy. People or Heartland — Guardian of national authenticity.
Right-wing populists view communities as separate from the nation. In their view, the country is characterized by a high degree of autonomy, i.e., the capital of “locals”, rather than immigrants or elites.evocation of small town Aldean's hit song epitomizes this expression.
Work that is valued, work that is despised
The American populist right is characterized by its adherence to both productivist and libertarian ideologies.
Producerism is an attachment to a strict work ethic in both senses of the word. Rigorous in its Protestant relationship to disciplined, professional, and meritorious work, but also in its valorization of physical labor and physical labor, what sociologist Everett Hughes described as: It's strict. “dirty work.”
Recent research on the social identity of “dirty” occupations describes how its artisans reshape their self-perceptions to create a positive image. From this perspective, Anthony's evocation of the miners' situation activates solidarity among those engaged in this type of work. In this way, they reconfigure their identities in response to the disdain for their profession.
Finally, fervent religious practices are often associated with adherence to populist political concepts.in flag and crosssociologists Philip S. Gorsky and Samuel L. Perry demonstrate that white people who identify as evangelical Christians are much more likely to espouse Christianity and white nationalism than non-believers. .
Class discourse with a libertarian dimension
However, what distinguishes Anthony's song from the usual populist right-wing discourse is that it formulates class conflict based on socio-economic income. This is more than a vague evocation of conflict between ordinary people and elites. And this explains why the song also appeals to people on the left.
But there is nothing particularly “leftist” about moral condemnation of the wealthy. Above all, it is deeply rooted in Christian tradition.
Conversely, for the social democratic tradition, the problem is not the fact of being rich in itself, but the lack of mechanisms and institutions that guarantee labor laws, freedom of association, and redistributive justice.
So, as singer Billy Bragg points out in his response to Anthony's hit, unions are noticeably absent from Anthony's worldview, as is the libertarian worldview.
To counter the practical difficulties posed by the transformation of the working world, modern social democrats propose establishing large-scale continuing education programs and investing in adult education. This kind of vocational retraining alleviates the anxiety caused by the “new world” that Anthony evokes in her songs.
(Kendall Warner/Virginian Pilot, via AP)
Inflation and the “periphery”
On the right, several factors explain the success of Anthony's national anthem.
First, there is a widespread perception that the left has abandoned blue-collar workers. rich man It has been effectively addressed. This segment of the population feels disrespected by the “elites” who monopolize symbolic, educational, and cultural capital. According to some rather mechanical analyses, the fact that they are considered privileged on the basis of their “race” and “gender” means that these workers are actually facing It does little to help us understand the stigma and social problems facing post-industrial regions. .
This initial movement is amplified by what is also perceived as a lack of understanding of the everyday realities of people living far from major urban centres.
Residents of rural areas tend not to feel represented by elected officials or the media. Even if this dynamic persists year after year, the left rarely questions the importance of including the perspectives of rural populations in “good” diversity.
On the other hand, an era of inflation favors the spread of libertarian “solutions.” People lose purchasing power, see mortgage prices soar, face difficult choices, and even put their life plans at risk. If people cannot see the positive impact of the taxes they pay, they are more likely to see the social state and redistributive justice as mechanisms that are useless to them.
Polarization benefits populists
There is no silver bullet to stop the rise of the populist right. But there are some sociological lessons to be learned about polarization.
A group's social identity is constructed primarily through frameworks, rituals, and interactions. To break the polarization that feeds the populist right, we must stop presenting it as a “basket of deplorables,” in the words of Hillary Clinton's elitists. Opponents of the populist right must also stop pathologising it, as is often the case with psychological approaches to political radicalization. Rather than eliminating the structures and polarization that benefit populist politicians, these approaches reinforce them.
The main effect of excluding a group from participating in legitimate political exchange is to strengthen its solidarity. Mocking their rituals has the same effect. The legal framework must prevent incitement to violence and defamation, and protect individuals' rights to reputation and privacy. But ultimately, allowing participation allows group members to reshape their arguments. It can also cause changes that moderate or alter the social identity of those who identify with the group.
Members of the populist right are generally able to provide cognitive or moral reasons to justify their actions. No one is obligated to share them or think they are “good.” But we must seek to understand them and reshape the perceptions of justice and injustice that they promote or are the basis for. This is a difficult and unpopular path, but the alternatives are not clear.
