Antonio Ecari, a 49-year-old lawyer, is the founder of the Alianza del Lapis party, or Pencil Union. He has been trying for some time to build a centrist alternative to the longstanding conflict between the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) and the right-wing opposition. Valencia-born Ekali is now one of 12 candidates who have been approved by the government's electoral authorities to take part in the July 28 presidential election this year. His suggestion is to differentiate yourself from your competitors.
A few years ago, Mr. Ekkari was a member of two opposition parties. Primero Fusticia (Justice First Party), which I belonged to when I was a city council member, and Project He Venezuela (Venezuela Project). But in 2012, he broke with the main opposition coalition, the United Platform, and founded his own centrist party, walking a fine line between the movement founded by former President Hugo Chávez and the main opposition leadership. did.
Backed by groups traditionally critical of the main opposition coalition, Ecari echoed what former Spanish Socialist Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, who has at times attempted to mediate Venezuela's political crisis, said presents the story of the Venezuelan crisis. Ekari, who has been criticized by the opposition's most hardliners for betting on a moderate political strategy, says the time has come to “build trust” to restore the country's ability to govern.
question. What are the problems with a unified platform?
answer. They have built a political upper echelon that makes decisions behind the scenes. By intimidation [this coalition] impose [its agenda] While calling on Venezuelans to unite. The revival of this country will not come from intimidation, and it will not come from presenting candidates at the 11th hour.
Q. You mentioned Manuel Rosales, governor of Zulia, who announced his candidacy at the last minute.
A. that's right. It took five days to gather the requirements to submit as a candidate to the National Electoral Council (CNE). The time Mr. Rosales said this process took him was five minutes, which had already been agreed upon. There is a serious problem here, given the lack of clear standards. That's why I didn't participate in the primary.
Q. Do you think the political situation is better this year compared to the last presidential election in 2018?
A. No, it could be worse now. What happened was that we realized that the decision to abstain from voting was a path to failure (most of the opposition parties boycotted the last presidential election).
Q. What would happen if a Democratic candidate was exposed to fraud in the July election and everyone found out?
A. I've been researching this subject for a while and planning what I would do if something like this happened, but I hope it doesn't. My model is Don Torquato Fernández Miranda, the great man who guided Spain's transition to democracy “from law to law.”With the Constitution, we have advanced our plans [our steps] Through reality, not abstraction. To participate in this process, we set three conditions: to be alive, to be free, and to be able to act. I am here. Despite the country's dire political, social and economic conditions, we have an economic base, a broad vision and a plan to rise to power. Venezuela has serious trust issues. This would require a governing agreement with the ruling party.
Q. Are there any conditions for that?
A. Yes, we have made ongoing public efforts to build trust. And I've been criticized for that.We defend the rights of Venezuela in Essequibo (Guyana) – we have a common position in that regard [with the Maduro government on border control]. My relationships with members of the military high command are respectful and institutional. If we cannot agree to protect territorial integrity, we cannot agree on anything.
Q. Although you are sometimes considered overly critical of the Venezuelan opposition, you are very moderate when it comes to criticizing the ruling Chavez party.
A. Well, I have suffered under Chavesmo for 25 years. The Maduro regime (2013-present) is objectively the worst regime in the entire history of this country. But the problem is that the opposition is just a disaster.
Q. What should the opposition party have done, but didn't?
A. By having national standards, [the opposition] I'm stuck in bureaucracy. There is a psychological attitude of surrender in the unity platform.barbados agreement [signed between the opposition and the Venezuelan government] That's just surrender.They are trying to get the government to forgive them to see if they can become MPs in 2025. [during the National Assembly elections]. You become especially critical of people who let you down. I was not a Chavismo, but I am also disappointed in the opposition.
Q. There are those who accuse you of being part of a group of candidates who are legitimizing the electoral process so that President Maduro can choose his opponents and defeat them.
A. That's hilarious. It's not good to put everyone in the same bag. I clearly distance myself from some of the candidates mentioned above. Unwarranted accusations are made against me because I challenged the opposition forces.our [party’s] This approach is even bolder. What we did was look for loopholes. National stability cannot be achieved without reducing the level of conflict. It is not an issue that concerns the opposition. Another face needs to enter the conflict to make the agreement clear. The era of Chavismo is a completed stage, but we cannot proceed as if it never existed. Indeed, it exists.
Q. Has a member of the government ever said that they would transfer power if they lost an election?
A. Several times. Nicolas Maduro himself told me this on a national television channel.
Q. And do you believe it?
A. No one in their right mind would believe that they would hand over power because they were good people. If they know that the majority of the people will vote, they will do so.
Q. Maybe it doesn't matter to them.
A. Well, I don't know [them holding on to power] Under those conditions.as long as it's no one [wins] They may threaten you or give you no guarantees.
Q. Does Antonio Ecari have the majority of the population on his side?
A. No, but it can be achieved. If you understand group psychology and lead the country, [my party and I] Can present alternative plans. The issue of trust is fundamental.We need to win the trust of the democratic camp without doing anything. [the PSUV] On notice.my challenge is to accomplish [a stable] balance. But it is also necessary to generate trust among the Chavismo factions and to have them transfer all the political rights that come with it. We are developing an international facilitation plan for this, in contact with the foreign ministries of Brazil, Spain and Mexico.
Q. Does your party have a tolerance for abuses by the Maduro regime regarding corruption and human rights?
A. It's the same criticism that the Chilean democratic movement received. [during the plebiscite of 1988].they called on the country to vote [against the military]without talking about the revenge and torture of Pinochet's time. [in Chile, from 1973 until 1990].
Q. Will you and the Pencil Alliance withdraw your name if it becomes more likely that another opposition candidate will win?
A. It cannot be ruled out. After all, this is politics. [But] We don't have to think about it because we have a working strategic plan.
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